Today the House of Saud is becoming a valuable partner for New Delhi in promoting regional security in the subcontinent and beyond.
We may not know how the present and future crises might end, but there is no question that Balakot has changed the familiar script of India-Pakistan military crises.
The Pakistan government’s decision to release the captured Indian pilot as a ‘gesture of peace’ opens a window of opportunity to defuse the ongoing crisis.
For the emerging forces of political moderation and social modernization in the Middle East, India is a more attractive partner than Pakistan.
In recent years, America's leading role in Asia has been challenged by the deepening cooperation among Asian states, and particularly the emergence of Asian-led initiatives and institutions to develop connectivity and foster strategic cooperation.
There is a growing debate between London and New Delhi on their roles in the Indo-Pacific and how the two can work together in the region.
The first summit between Trump and Kim enhanced Singapore’s reputation as Asia’s emerging diplomatic centre. For Hanoi, the second summit is a big opportunity to showcase Vietnam’s dramatic economic transformation in recent years.
As the United States' relationships with Russia and China shift, and it faces a domestic backlash against globalization, India must take greater responsibility for its own regional security, re-evaluate its technology policies, and help stabilize the global trading system.
The Indian Emergency bears little direct parallels to the situation in the United States as yet. But it underlines why, in democratic systems of government, emergency powers, once unleashed, can and potentially will acquire a life of their own.
As New Delhi prepares to host the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, India must come to terms with an unfamiliar idea—“nationalism in Arabia”.