The Bangladesh crisis makes clear that no subcontinental crisis is ever just a subcontinental affair. There will invariably be wider geopolitical forces which will impinge on the way that the subcontinent acts.
As countries debate an emerging security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, a key area is missing from the discussion: the role of islands. Much as they did in the past, islands will come to play a critical role in shaping the new order in the Indian Ocean region.
New Delhi’s efforts should be geared toward getting China to yet again calibrate its approach to India and Pakistan.
While New Delhi and Tokyo have identified regional cooperation across the Indo-Pacific as a major objective of their bilateral partnership, cooperation with ASEAN remains at the heart of their Indo-Pacific approach.
Today the House of Saud is becoming a valuable partner for New Delhi in promoting regional security in the subcontinent and beyond.
For the emerging forces of political moderation and social modernization in the Middle East, India is a more attractive partner than Pakistan.
There is a growing debate between London and New Delhi on their roles in the Indo-Pacific and how the two can work together in the region.
As the United States' relationships with Russia and China shift, and it faces a domestic backlash against globalization, India must take greater responsibility for its own regional security, re-evaluate its technology policies, and help stabilize the global trading system.
The upcoming visit of Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, to India is not a routine affair. The trip to India is evidently timed to burnish his legitimacy after the international opprobrium that followed the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Current U.S. policy approaches toward the Indian subcontinent need to be understood against a far longer historical backdrop of U.S. involvement in South Asia.