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What is increasingly apparent is that the imposition of reciprocal tariffs on goods is a symptom of a larger structural shift in Sino-U.S. relations.
Speaking to the press ahead of his meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that India and Pakistan could resolve their problems bilaterally without involving “any third country.”
As Indian strategic analysts increasingly accept the need to counterbalance China’s growing military power and assertiveness, there is little consensus on how this can be realistically achieved.
Last week, Britain impounded an Iranian oil tanker in Gibraltar, claiming that the vessel was carrying oil to Syria in violation of the European Union’s sanctions.
Hours after he took over as the external affairs minister in the new Narendra Modi government, former diplomat S. Jaishankar had a situation on hand. U.S. President Donald Trump formally rescinded India’s designation as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized System of Preferences.
No other set of issues will shape India’s future global trajectory more than a pragmatic reorientation of its trade strategy and the reformation of its negotiating structures.
The rejigging of the political relations between the United States, China, and Russia might present New Delhi with fleeting strategic opportunities that need to be seized quickly.
In a joint statement issued after the consultations, America, Russia, and China outlined agreement on a set of broad parameters for promoting peace in Afghanistan.
The rise of India as a major Asian power is a significant geopolitical process of our times.
Pakistani President Ayub Khan learnt that military escalation is difficult, if not impossible, to control during the 1965 India-Pakistan War.
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