Indian Prime Minister Modi’s informal summits in Wuhan with Chinese President Xi and Sochi with Russian President Putin are part of the new nimble footed Indian diplomacy toward major powers.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to pull out of the Iran nuclear deal appears to have put regime change at the very center of the new American power play against Tehran.
It’s time for India, France, and Australia to join forces. This innovative security triangle is no flight of think tank fancy, but an ambition now being considered at the highest levels of policy.
As Beijing begins to recognize the potential dangers to China from U.S. President Trump’s policies on trade and security, President Xi has turned on the charm offensive towards its Asian neighbors.
The South Asian stalemate is likely to endure even as South and North Korea appear poised to turn the page.
The India-Nordic Summit, which explored areas for practical cooperation and strategic convergence between both sides, represents a fundamentally new approach toward the relationship.
In agreeing to an “informal summit” in the city of Wuhan on the banks of the Yangtze, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have chosen to take charge of the Sino-Indian relationship.
The India–France partnership could form the model for burden-sharing between India and its Western friends.
While partnerships between big and middle powers will determine the balance of power in the region, islands will shape the new framework for a security architecture.
After decades of ignoring it, New Delhi now believes that a rejuvenated Commonwealth could lend greater depth to India’s global outreach.
An India that is less inhibited about trade liberalization and more open to commercial, technological, and civil society partnerships will find Nordic countries ready to accelerate its internal modernization and international rise.
Far from what is needed to realize its ambitious vision, the Survey proposes a cash transfer with a dubious ability to compensate beneficiaries for the transition costs of moving to a new system, and one that would be financed by an indiscriminate culling of existing welfare schemes.
As a rising power, India recognizes the Commonwealth as a valuable forum for it to redefine itself on the global stage. The Commonwealth has much to gain from India’s engagement as well.
India might be quite open to a substantive dialogue with China on the Belt and Road Initiative if Xi is prepared to address New Delhi’s concerns on sovereignty and sustainability.
Standing up against India has unfortunately become an important part of Nepal’s definition of sovereignty.
The establishment of a Kra Canal in Thailand may soon become a reality as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The canal would permit ships to bypass the Malacca Strait, a crucial maritime chokepoint, amplifying the strategic significance of the project.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un went to Beijing after demonstrating that he is capable of standing up to the world, has complete control over his system, and can deal with the United States on his own.
The European Union wants to partner with key players in Asia on shaping the rules around connectivity, and provide a comprehensive response to the Belt and Road Initiative challenge.
India may soon close a deal with Russia to purchase two S-400 air defense systems, thereby triggering secondary sanctions from the United States. Without Congressional action, the U.S.-India defense relationship will likely suffer.
Last year, the Union ministry of commerce constituted a task force to look at how Artificial Intelligence can be leveraged for India’s economic growth.