As Modi and Obama expand the scope of the India-U.S. partnership, they have a rare opportunity to strengthen bilateral engagement on regional issues in the subcontinent, including the stability of Pakistan.
It is premature to conclude that Rajapaksa’s defeat in the Sri Lankan presidential election last week is a strategic setback for Beijing, but his exit is a diplomatic problem in the near term.
As a new government led by Maithripala Sirisena takes charge in Sri Lanka, India has a valuable opportunity to arrest the drift in bilateral relations over the last few years.
Modi’s openness to the diaspora should, hopefully, crack open India’s generally unwelcoming attitude to “foreigners” that has congealed over the last many decades of inward orientation.
As New Delhi turns to the Gulf in 2015 and tends to its high stakes in the region, an intensive engagement with Saudi Arabia must be at the top of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s diplomatic priorities.
Despite Modi’s claim to Vajpayee’s strategic legacy, the latter’s understanding of the subcontinent’s past and his vision for the region’s future appear to have little resonance within the BJP and RSS.
India needs to deepen its military security cooperation in the Indian Ocean with the United States and France and initiate a maritime security dialogue with China.
It is easy to forget that domestic stability holds the key to a successful foreign policy.
As the American occupation of Afghanistan comes to an end, China is getting ready to play a significant role in a country that has seen many great powers bite the dust.
The United Nations General Assembly recently declared an annual International Day of Yoga. This small step underlines the immense possibilities for projecting India’s soft power under Modi.
Partition has given Pakistan the power to disrupt Afghanistan, but not enough to construct a stable order. This tragic story of the Great Game is unlikely to change in 2015.
In his outreach to leaders in the subcontinent and Asia, from Nepal to Japan and China to Myanmar, Modi has projected Buddhism as one of India’s bridges to these nations.
Constructing a border of cooperation with Bangladesh should liberate India from one of the major geopolitical constraints imposed on it by the Partition of Bengal.
Pakistan’s ambivalence towards economic integration and the minimal gains from the South Asian summit in Kathmandu need not necessarily be a setback to India’s agenda for regionalism.
A strategy of positive unilateralism would allow Modi to push South Asia a little faster toward long overdue regional integration.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision not to travel to three important religious places in Nepal and to limit his visit to Kathmandu, which is hosting the South Asian summit, has disappointed many on either side of the border.
Modi’s decision to invite Obama to India, and the American president’s acceptance, reveal the mutual understanding level between two leaders.
Through his visit across the eastern seas, Modi affirmed that India under the NDA government has entered a new era of economic development, industrialization, and trade.
Modi’s decision to visit Fiji underlines the new commitment in New Delhi to bridging the gap between the potential and reality of Delhi’s reach in the Indo-Pacific.
Arguments in New Delhi about Jawaharlal Nehru probably say more about India’s contemporary politics than the achievements and failures of its first prime minister.