New Delhi needs to turn its attention in 2018 to creating significant domestic capabilities for information operations against threats at home and abroad.
Understanding the internal debate in the United States about its approach to the world is as important for India as parsing the administration’s latest thinking on China and Pakistan.
As the weakest of the major powers, New Delhi should stay engaged with both continental as well as maritime powers in order to improve its own place in the world order.
Without a return to genuine bilateralism that takes into account the interests of both parties, Beijing will find that the chasm with New Delhi continues to deepen.
If cultural, digital, and physical connectivity have become important themes in Indian diplomacy these days, so has the idea of minilateralism with multiple partners.
Leveraging Japanese expertise in robotic manufacturing and channelling local software talent would allow India to come to terms with a fast changing global economic scenario, where automation will rule the roost.
The Indian political and policy establishment, long brought up on the notion that Europe and Asia are different, must adapt to their slow but certain integration into a single geopolitical theatre.
As Nepal concludes its first parliamentary election since 1999, New Delhi faces a window of opportunity to deepen the bilateral relationship.
While the Indian media’s obsession with China tends to be over the top, there is no denying that Beijing looms large over New Delhi’s worldview these days.
The ideas of religious moderation and social modernization have been steadily pushed on the defensive in the four decades since 1979. Any effort to reverse 1979, therefore, must be welcomed in the Subcontinent.
Looking beyond the traditional areas of high-technology and defence cooperation, and the more recent focus on global mitigation of climate change, New Delhi and Paris appear ready to lend a strong regional dimension to their strategic partnership.
Given the importance of artificial intelligence (AI) in the coming years, India must keep a wary eye on Chinese developments in this field, and develop its own strategic vision of how AI technologies can be harnessed to advance its interests.
The proposition that India must tilt to one side, toward Russia and China, and keep its distance from the United States is a legacy from the 1970s. It does not square with contemporary reality.
The issues raised by Microsoft deserve serious and critical attention in India. The outcomes from this debate could have a lasting impact on India’s own digital future in both commercial and national security realms.
The rise of China and the turbulence in U.S. domestic politics have created great disorder, but they have also opened up room for creative Indian diplomacy in Asia.
As India hosts Charles, the Prince of Wales, New Delhi and London have an opportunity to think afresh about the future of the Commonwealth.
As New Delhi scrambles to cope with China’s rapid naval advances in the Indian Ocean, it needs to bring its bilateral cooperation with individual European countries into a comprehensive strategic framework.
India’s issue with quadrilateral cooperation among India, Japan, Australia and the United States is no longer about the principle. New Delhi will sit down with anyone in any kind of forum if that serves India’s national interest.
The Indian, Japanese, and U.S. effort to connect the Pacific and Indian Oceans could be an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and enhance the bargaining power of small countries vis-a-vis Beijing.
When the Doing Business report comes out this month, the nuances inherent in the data will likely be neglected by commentators looking to score points for one side or the other. Calmer heads should keep certain points in mind.