The ideas of religious moderation and social modernization have been steadily pushed on the defensive in the four decades since 1979. Any effort to reverse 1979, therefore, must be welcomed in the Subcontinent.
Looking beyond the traditional areas of high-technology and defence cooperation, and the more recent focus on global mitigation of climate change, New Delhi and Paris appear ready to lend a strong regional dimension to their strategic partnership.
Given the importance of artificial intelligence (AI) in the coming years, India must keep a wary eye on Chinese developments in this field, and develop its own strategic vision of how AI technologies can be harnessed to advance its interests.
The proposition that India must tilt to one side, toward Russia and China, and keep its distance from the United States is a legacy from the 1970s. It does not square with contemporary reality.
The issues raised by Microsoft deserve serious and critical attention in India. The outcomes from this debate could have a lasting impact on India’s own digital future in both commercial and national security realms.
The rise of China and the turbulence in U.S. domestic politics have created great disorder, but they have also opened up room for creative Indian diplomacy in Asia.
As India hosts Charles, the Prince of Wales, New Delhi and London have an opportunity to think afresh about the future of the Commonwealth.
As New Delhi scrambles to cope with China’s rapid naval advances in the Indian Ocean, it needs to bring its bilateral cooperation with individual European countries into a comprehensive strategic framework.
India’s issue with quadrilateral cooperation among India, Japan, Australia and the United States is no longer about the principle. New Delhi will sit down with anyone in any kind of forum if that serves India’s national interest.
The Indian, Japanese, and U.S. effort to connect the Pacific and Indian Oceans could be an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and enhance the bargaining power of small countries vis-a-vis Beijing.
When the Doing Business report comes out this month, the nuances inherent in the data will likely be neglected by commentators looking to score points for one side or the other. Calmer heads should keep certain points in mind.
In demanding that Pakistan suspend cross-border terrorism and asking that India play a larger role in the region, Trump and Tillerson have begun to clear the path for strategic regional coordination between India and the United States.
The exceptions to the right to privacy, which was affirmed by the Supreme Court of India’s recent verdict, offer a clue into the realistic chances of survival for Aadhaar.
Having drawn up the intent and will to develop the Andamans, New Delhi will now have to build its smart islands with cooperation from its maritime partners. The strategic development of these islands is no longer an option but a necessity.
New Delhi must find ways to effectively intervene in the limited but inviting strategic space that is opening up between the United States, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.
The government has been working to effect a radical shift in Indian energy production and consumption patterns to reduce dependence on fossil fuels.
The current legal framework in India offers insufficient safeguards against mass surveillance and the gathering of big data tranches.
To counter the rise of isolationist, unilateral, and authoritarian forces, India and the Europe must strengthen their relationship beyond mere economic and transactional arrangements.
India will inevitably have to do more in Afghanistan, since the United States will not bear the security burden forever. Any substantive India-U.S. strategic coordination, however, could presage a major change in the regional politics of South Asia.
While New Delhi and Tokyo realize their limitations in competing with China-led initiatives, there is an unmatched intent and willingness in the Indo-Japanese relationship to collaborate on new areas across the region.