The promise and peril of the Helsinki summit comes from the fact that the U.S. president is ready to discard the conventional wisdom—not just on Russia, but on America’s role in Eurasia and its relations with its allies.
India has a vast talent pool and a burgeoning start-up scene which, if properly tapped and encouraged, could not only provide indigenous military solutions, but could also create significant domestic expertise, which could then be exported.
In order to sustain the present momentum in EU-India ties, both sides will have to make an extra effort to convert converging interests into concrete cooperation.
India cannot and will not compete with China in the AI realm—instead it will play to its advantages by becoming a global AI hub for non-Chinese and non-Western markets.
While New Delhi has begun to build on the synergies with the United Arab Emirates on counter-terrorism and long-term strategic economic cooperation, it has barely scratched the surface of what is possible in the domain of defense.
India’s continuing political challenges with China’s Belt and Road Initiative have been matched by New Delhi’s enduring difficulties in advancing its own connectivity initiatives.
While the hopes for a durable peace might be premature, the conflicts in Kashmir and Afghanistan might be entering a new phase in their long and depressing history.
In the course of one morning in Singapore, U.S. President Donald Trump and the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un have begun to loosen a deeply entrenched and hostile relationship.
With New Delhi must looking for stronger ties with both the maritime and continental powers does not mean the nature and scope of these possibilities is symmetric.
Securing the eastern Indian Ocean in partnership with Southeast Asian littorals like Singapore, Indonesia, and Thailand could be one of the important near-term Indian contributions to peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s trip to Singapore focuses on three increasingly interconnected themes—the strategic, economic, and technological.
If the idea of Asia drew New Delhi and Jakarta close in the 1950s, it might well be the Indo-Pacific that will provide the framework for long overdue strategic re-engagement.
Indian Prime Minister Modi’s informal summits in Wuhan with Chinese President Xi and Sochi with Russian President Putin are part of the new nimble footed Indian diplomacy toward major powers.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to pull out of the Iran nuclear deal appears to have put regime change at the very center of the new American power play against Tehran.
It’s time for India, France, and Australia to join forces. This innovative security triangle is no flight of think tank fancy, but an ambition now being considered at the highest levels of policy.
As Beijing begins to recognize the potential dangers to China from U.S. President Trump’s policies on trade and security, President Xi has turned on the charm offensive towards its Asian neighbors.
The South Asian stalemate is likely to endure even as South and North Korea appear poised to turn the page.
The India-Nordic Summit, which explored areas for practical cooperation and strategic convergence between both sides, represents a fundamentally new approach toward the relationship.
In agreeing to an “informal summit” in the city of Wuhan on the banks of the Yangtze, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have chosen to take charge of the Sino-Indian relationship.
The India–France partnership could form the model for burden-sharing between India and its Western friends.