Putting in place a strategy to modernize India’s internal connectivity and strengthen its maritime infrastructure is critical for any effective Indian response to China’s silk road initiative.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has much greater political space at home than his predecessor Manmohan Singh in making more confident moves towards China.
There is a growing recognition in New Delhi that Australia is a valuable partner in stabilizing Asia.
The persistent use of new phrases by leaders of major powers shapes international discourse.
If Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi plays his cards well, he can mobilize China and Japan in accelerating India’s development.
It is time for new and creative ways to deal with Asia’s strategic uncertainties.
New Delhi must make up its mind on Beijing’s invitation to jointly build the new silk roads in inner Asia and the Indo-Pacific littoral.
India can improve its Nepal engagement by simply helping itself through the development of frontier regions in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, modernising border infrastructure, and upgrading transborder connectivity.
India has a big stake in preventing the further deterioration of U.S.-Russian relations. If India’s silence on Ukraine until now has been misunderstood, it must now speak up.
The long discussed overland pipeline bringing hydrocarbons from Russia to India is gaining some traction with the NDA government.
Restoring the lost dynamism in India’s vital strategic partnerships and regaining a firm handle on some of its traditionally fraught relationships must be at the top of the diplomatic agenda.
If Narendra Modi is luckier than his predecessors, he might make some progress with Pakistan. However, Modi should be aware that breakthroughs are unlikely amid the country’s current political flux.
Foreign policy is rarely central to elections anywhere in the world. It is no surprise, then, that the foreign policy sections in the manifestos put out by some Indian parties seem an afterthought.
India’s decision to abstain on a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last week was unexpected.
As the crisis in Crimea deepens, the formal arguments between Russia and the West are about two perennial themes in international politics—sovereignty and intervention.
The idea of promoting trans-frontier economic cooperation as a complement to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity on the border has begun to gain some traction in both Delhi and Beijing during the last few years.
As the world prepares to mark the anniversaries of the First and Second World War, the two great wars have acquired a peculiar political resonance in East Asia.
India must recognize its past errors in dealing with Beijing and its refusal to prepare the nation to cope with the rise of China.
The Indian political classes are gravely mistaken if they think the contest for power at home can be conducted without reference to the world outside.
After decades of pacifism and strategic marginalisation, Japan is now shaking up the region’s geopolitics by responding vigorously to China’s rise.