Modi’s decision to invite Obama to India, and the American president’s acceptance, reveal the mutual understanding level between two leaders.
Through his visit across the eastern seas, Modi affirmed that India under the NDA government has entered a new era of economic development, industrialization, and trade.
Modi’s decision to visit Fiji underlines the new commitment in New Delhi to bridging the gap between the potential and reality of Delhi’s reach in the Indo-Pacific.
Arguments in New Delhi about Jawaharlal Nehru probably say more about India’s contemporary politics than the achievements and failures of its first prime minister.
Modi has his work cut out for him in bridging the growing gap between the potential and reality of India’s partnership with Myanmar.
Modi should trust his own instincts rather than conform to the prevailing canon in the political class and the bureaucratic establishment on the issues to be discussed at the East Asian Summit and the G-20 meeting.
While some might find India’s new approach to the Middle East somewhat disconcerting, the government of Narendra Modi is bringing pragmatism and transparency to India’s Middle East policy.
Modi has a rare opportunity to tap into positive trends within the South Asian diaspora. An intensive engagement with the South Asian diaspora would be a valuable complement to Modi’s declared strategy of befriending neighbors.
Statements from Colombo and Beijing on the frequent appearance of Chinese submarines and ships at Sri Lankan ports are likely to worsen New Delhi’s concerns rather than blunt them.
Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj’s recent visits to Mauritius and Maldives should help Delhi recognize the urgency of getting its act together in the maritime neighborhood.
With Xi’s determination to expand China’s defense cooperation with Sri Lanka and Colombo backing his Maritime Silk Road initiative, Modi can no longer ignore concerns about Beijing’s role there.
There are good reasons why Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi should start paying serious attention to the new Indonesian president, Joko Widodo.
Delhi and Tehran see the Chabahar port as a means to improve their geopolitical leverage with Pakistan and pursue their common interest in providing Central Asia alternative routes to the Indian Ocean.
As Russia embraces China to relieve the pressures from the West, India’s room for geopolitical maneuver in Asia and beyond is bound to shrink.
It is one thing for Modi to say India needs to be more practical in dealing with the outside world. It is entirely another to get his ministerial colleagues and the bureaucracy to act on that basis in a sustained manner.
Modi's reference to the South China Sea says more about India’s changing political attitude than its policy towards the maritime territorial disputes between Beijing and its Asian neighbours.
If the expansive agenda unveiled by Modi and Obama is matched by bureaucratic purposefulness in Delhi and Washington, India and America have a second chance at building a strategic partnership of considerable consequence.
While continuing to engage with East and South East Asia, Indian Prime Minister Modi is ‘Linking West’ to increase India’s ties to the Middle East.
What stands out at the end of Narendra Modi’s visit is his demonstration of political will and diplomatic ingenuity to rekindle the romance with America that had gone cold in recent years.
Although both the United States and India see terrorism as a great threat to their societies, they have different priorities in the war against it.