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The problem is not the lack of big ideas within Indian political class. There are a host of other reasons that limit public engagement on foreign policy. Few parties believe foreign policy is of any importance in winning elections.
The Supreme Court’s recent decision striking down the RBI’s February 2018 circular on bad loans highlights something significant about the state machinery—the extent to which it can be a source of risk for private businesses.
Before India’s political scene got so intensely polarized, there was a time when the Opposition celebrated the government’s national security achievements. It also offered close scrutiny of government policies on science and technology.
Prospects for a sensible neighborhood policy can’t rest solely on having single-party governments at the center and ‘responsible’ chief ministers in the border states. India needs a measure of political consensus on regional policies.
As countries debate an emerging security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, a key area is missing from the discussion: the role of islands. Much as they did in the past, islands will come to play a critical role in shaping the new order in the Indian Ocean region.
New Delhi’s efforts should be geared toward getting China to yet again calibrate its approach to India and Pakistan.
The national security establishment must extend full support to the Election Commission in fending off many likely threats to the integrity of the elections and help raise the awareness of the political class on the new dangers of the digital age.
The election is a good opportunity for the BJP and the Congress to debate the changing international situation, potential Indian responses, and the much needed reform in India’s defense and national security system.
Today the House of Saud is becoming a valuable partner for New Delhi in promoting regional security in the subcontinent and beyond.
We may not know how the present and future crises might end, but there is no question that Balakot has changed the familiar script of India-Pakistan military crises.
The Pakistan government’s decision to release the captured Indian pilot as a ‘gesture of peace’ opens a window of opportunity to defuse the ongoing crisis.
For the emerging forces of political moderation and social modernization in the Middle East, India is a more attractive partner than Pakistan.
The first summit between Trump and Kim enhanced Singapore’s reputation as Asia’s emerging diplomatic centre. For Hanoi, the second summit is a big opportunity to showcase Vietnam’s dramatic economic transformation in recent years.
Recent revelations about the Rafale deal have all focused on one central question: was the contract for 36 aircrafts secured by the NDA government on better terms than the older UPA negotiations for 126 medium multi-role combat aircrafts, especially with respect to cost and delivery time?
As New Delhi prepares to host the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, India must come to terms with an unfamiliar idea—“nationalism in Arabia”.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to India—as part of a larger tour of Asia, including Pakistan and China—should mark the consolidation of two important trends and help initiate a significant third.
The upcoming visit of Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, to India is not a routine affair. The trip to India is evidently timed to burnish his legitimacy after the international opprobrium that followed the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Trade issues are not a formal part of this week’s dialogue in Delhi between the visiting U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Indian Union Commerce Minister Suresh Prabhu. But there is no doubt that mounting trade tensions between India and the United States have cast a dark shadow over the talks.
For both the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, the new emphasis on separating religion from politics and confronting “political Islam” is not a question of defining an abstract theory of the state. It is a considered response to the grave challenges they face.
If the United States effectively uses its considerable residual leverage in Afghanistan, Pakistan does not try and turn Afghanistan into a weak protectorate, and the Taliban does not overreach inside Afghanistan, there is reason for optimism.