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Trade issues are not a formal part of this week’s dialogue in Delhi between the visiting U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Indian Union Commerce Minister Suresh Prabhu. But there is no doubt that mounting trade tensions between India and the United States have cast a dark shadow over the talks.
For both the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, the new emphasis on separating religion from politics and confronting “political Islam” is not a question of defining an abstract theory of the state. It is a considered response to the grave challenges they face.
If the United States effectively uses its considerable residual leverage in Afghanistan, Pakistan does not try and turn Afghanistan into a weak protectorate, and the Taliban does not overreach inside Afghanistan, there is reason for optimism.
As New Delhi copes with the new imperatives of governing in the digital age, any sensible policy will have to navigate the tensions between state and the citizen, capital and the consumer, public good and private gain, and between competing interests within the capital—both domestic and foreign.
New Delhi’s traditional fear of alliances is based on a profound misreading of what they might mean. Alliances are not a “permanent wedlock” or some kind of a “bondage.” They are a political or military arrangement to cope with a common threat.
Unlike his predecessors, who asked India to downsize its presence in Afghanistan in order to placate Pakistan, U.S. President Trump is asking India to do more.
The economic advancement of Bangladesh helps lift up the whole of the eastern Subcontinent, including India’s Northeast as well as Bhutan and Nepal.
Today as a rising China projects its economic and military power into the Indian Ocean, any strategy for regional balance would necessarily involve the economic and military development of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
As a far more sweeping technological revolution envelops the world today, governments are finding new ways to adapt.
Crucial questions need to be asked with regards to fragmented legal frameworks, unclear regulatory practices ambiguous policy advances and voluntary measures governing gene-editing technologies at national and international levels.
Amidst the new global pushback against Huawei and India’s own plans to introduce 5G mobile technology, New Delhi might have to revisit the old arguments and take a fresh look at its relationship with the Chinese tech giant.
New Delhi is paying too little attention to the growing weight of the Gulf in regional affairs and the strategic possibilities that it opens up for India.
This volatile history of India-Pakistan engagement over the last decade makes the agreement on opening the Kartarpur corridor quite significant.
Unlike the European colonial powers, which could easily prevail over natives of the strategic island territories, today’s major powers have to deal with the more complex domestic politics of the island nations.
Ending India’s amnesia about the two World Wars must now be followed by a more purposeful engagement with Europe in reordering the security architecture of Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.
China’s rising profile in the Andaman Sea is not limited to building strategic infrastructure like the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and the Kra Canal that allow Beijing reduce its current dependence on the Malacca Straits and access the Indian Ocean directly. Its military profile too is rising.
America’s renewed sanctions on Iran, which kicked in Monday this week, mark the beginning of a new crisis in the Middle East.
The India-Japan summit has laid out the foundations for a stronger operational strategic collaboration between the two countries.
The focus of a potential new arms race appears to be less on traditional nuclear armed missiles, but rather on precise hypersonic missiles equipped with conventional warheads.
The outrageous murder of the Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi in the kingdom’s consulate in Istanbul has brought into sharp relief the deepening conflict between Riyadh and Ankara.