It has been a rather long learning curve for New Delhi to separate presumed transcendental religious solidarity and the logic of national self-interest in engaging the Middle East.
Contestation is intense in this election, and the incoming Indian government—irrespective of its composition—will be under pressure to perform.
A Chinese scientist dropped a bombshell in November 2018 when he unveiled the world’s first gene-edited babies. How are other countries, including India, navigating the dizzying array of rewards and risks associated with gene-editing research?
The problem is not the lack of big ideas within Indian political class. There are a host of other reasons that limit public engagement on foreign policy. Few parties believe foreign policy is of any importance in winning elections.
The Supreme Court’s recent decision striking down the RBI’s February 2018 circular on bad loans highlights something significant about the state machinery—the extent to which it can be a source of risk for private businesses.
Statutory regulatory authorities are bound by the same principles of administrative law as other government agencies, as defined by the judiciary from time to time.
The financial system plays an important role in mobilizing savings, allocating capital in the economy, monitoring corporations, providing liquidity, helping individuals and firms manage risks, facilitating payments, and other economic functions.
Before India’s political scene got so intensely polarized, there was a time when the Opposition celebrated the government’s national security achievements. It also offered close scrutiny of government policies on science and technology.
The responsiveness of laws and policies to citizens’ preferences and conduct, has been the central theme of extensive literature focusing on political science and administrative law.
Prospects for a sensible neighborhood policy can’t rest solely on having single-party governments at the center and ‘responsible’ chief ministers in the border states. India needs a measure of political consensus on regional policies.
As countries debate an emerging security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, a key area is missing from the discussion: the role of islands. Much as they did in the past, islands will come to play a critical role in shaping the new order in the Indian Ocean region.
New Delhi’s efforts should be geared toward getting China to yet again calibrate its approach to India and Pakistan.
The national security establishment must extend full support to the Election Commission in fending off many likely threats to the integrity of the elections and help raise the awareness of the political class on the new dangers of the digital age.
The election is a good opportunity for the BJP and the Congress to debate the changing international situation, potential Indian responses, and the much needed reform in India’s defense and national security system.
Today the House of Saud is becoming a valuable partner for New Delhi in promoting regional security in the subcontinent and beyond.
We may not know how the present and future crises might end, but there is no question that Balakot has changed the familiar script of India-Pakistan military crises.
The Pakistan government’s decision to release the captured Indian pilot as a ‘gesture of peace’ opens a window of opportunity to defuse the ongoing crisis.
For the emerging forces of political moderation and social modernization in the Middle East, India is a more attractive partner than Pakistan.
The first summit between Trump and Kim enhanced Singapore’s reputation as Asia’s emerging diplomatic centre. For Hanoi, the second summit is a big opportunity to showcase Vietnam’s dramatic economic transformation in recent years.
The Indian Emergency bears little direct parallels to the situation in the United States as yet. But it underlines why, in democratic systems of government, emergency powers, once unleashed, can and potentially will acquire a life of their own.