The special and privileged strategic partnership between India and Russia now spans across both Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.
With a steadily expanding fleet of satellites for both civilian and military purposes, the technological ability to secure these is a national imperative, as is the diplomatic ability to proactively shape the global governance of outer space with like-minded partners.
Due to its expansive role, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is a site of many conflicts.
Speaking to the press ahead of his meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that India and Pakistan could resolve their problems bilaterally without involving “any third country.”
In the aftermath of the military crisis between India and Pakistan this year, news of a Pakistani crackdown on anti-India terrorists has come out.
After his government voided Article 370, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that “a new age has begun in Jammu-Kashmir and Ladakh.”
The Kashmir valley has lately been aswirl with rumours of an impending move by the central government to scrap Article 35A of the Indian Constitution.
Chinese Vice President Wang Qishan recently said that the “post-war international order” has “come to collapse.”
This week marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Monetary Conference held at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire.
Last week, Britain impounded an Iranian oil tanker in Gibraltar, claiming that the vessel was carrying oil to Syria in violation of the European Union’s sanctions.
A great deal is expected from the first budget of any government. The expectations are even greater from a government that has come back to power with an improved tally.
The Indian budget is such a big deal because it combines the exercise of many powers. Among them, the power to run deficits is special.
An important task for the Narendra Modi government in its second term will be to improve the ease of doing business on two counts—contract enforcement and property registration.
A striking feature of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections was the unusual prominence accorded to national security in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s campaign.
Hours after he took over as the external affairs minister in the new Narendra Modi government, former diplomat S. Jaishankar had a situation on hand. U.S. President Donald Trump formally rescinded India’s designation as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized System of Preferences.
The post-Tiananmen era in China had an element that reinforced Deng Xiaoping’s model of “open economy and closed polity”—the rise of the all-knowing surveillance state with enormous potential for digital repression.
Nirmala Sitharaman’s real success should be defined in terms of her long-term impact on the economy, and not just in putting out the fires burning presently.
The unfolding dynamic around Taiwan will have significant consequences for India’s Act East Policy and its emerging role in the Indo–Pacific region.
No other set of issues will shape India’s future global trajectory more than a pragmatic reorientation of its trade strategy and the reformation of its negotiating structures.
Rather than pray for the success of SAARC, the new government in New Delhi should double down on informal diplomacy that could help pave the way for more purposeful regional cooperation—both bilateral and multilateral.