After his government voided Article 370, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that “a new age has begun in Jammu-Kashmir and Ladakh.”
The Kashmir valley has lately been aswirl with rumours of an impending move by the central government to scrap Article 35A of the Indian Constitution.
Chinese Vice President Wang Qishan recently said that the “post-war international order” has “come to collapse.”
This week marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Monetary Conference held at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire.
Last week, Britain impounded an Iranian oil tanker in Gibraltar, claiming that the vessel was carrying oil to Syria in violation of the European Union’s sanctions.
A great deal is expected from the first budget of any government. The expectations are even greater from a government that has come back to power with an improved tally.
The Indian budget is such a big deal because it combines the exercise of many powers. Among them, the power to run deficits is special.
An important task for the Narendra Modi government in its second term will be to improve the ease of doing business on two counts—contract enforcement and property registration.
A striking feature of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections was the unusual prominence accorded to national security in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s campaign.
Hours after he took over as the external affairs minister in the new Narendra Modi government, former diplomat S. Jaishankar had a situation on hand. U.S. President Donald Trump formally rescinded India’s designation as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized System of Preferences.
The post-Tiananmen era in China had an element that reinforced Deng Xiaoping’s model of “open economy and closed polity”—the rise of the all-knowing surveillance state with enormous potential for digital repression.
Nirmala Sitharaman’s real success should be defined in terms of her long-term impact on the economy, and not just in putting out the fires burning presently.
The unfolding dynamic around Taiwan will have significant consequences for India’s Act East Policy and its emerging role in the Indo–Pacific region.
No other set of issues will shape India’s future global trajectory more than a pragmatic reorientation of its trade strategy and the reformation of its negotiating structures.
Rather than pray for the success of SAARC, the new government in New Delhi should double down on informal diplomacy that could help pave the way for more purposeful regional cooperation—both bilateral and multilateral.
Emerging economies like India that are considering data protection regulations need to carefully evaluate the direct and indirect costs of such laws.
The rejigging of the political relations between the United States, China, and Russia might present New Delhi with fleeting strategic opportunities that need to be seized quickly.
In recent years, some of the most dramatic situations in Indian public life have arisen in the higher judiciary—an arm of the state ideally characterized by collegiality, scholarship, predictability, and remoteness from raucous politics.
That China and India compete for foreign military bases is not merely an extension of their very familiar rivalry, but a definitive moment in their overall political evolution as modern states.
As technological innovation, commercial competition, and geopolitical rivalry put great strain on the old order in space, New Delhi will need all the strategic pragmatism, legal acumen, and diplomatic skill in shaping new rules for the regulation of outer space.