The 2017 United Kingdom parliamentary election ended in a hung parliament after the Conservative Party failed to retain its majority.
India’s prolonged quest to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization brings into sharp relief an enduring tension between competing geopolitical ideas.
One way of lending substance to the Indo-Pacific cooperation between India and Australia is to identify specific subregions for practical cooperation, such as the Bay of Bengal.
If New Delhi wants to secure India’s interests in the turbulent Trump era, it must necessarily overcome the internal inertia against transactional diplomacy.
Given the breadth and depth of the Indo-Russian relationship, the divergence in their strategy for the South Asia region is worrying.
Economically reintegrating the Bay of Bengal is a promising way for India and other nearby states to enhance their prosperity. Doing so will require government-led coordination and private investment.
India’s partnership with Japan is increasingly acquiring a distinct strategic angle.
As Russia moves closer to China and the United States faces an unpredictable administration, European alliances are becoming valuable and inviting for India.
Technology-driven innovation requires more risk taking by the state in the form of investing more belief in the power of innovation to transform.
To sustain India's rise, Delhi must advance its economic policies, engage in defense sector reform, and construct strategic partnerships to navigate the power shifts among America, China, and Russia
The Indo-Russian relationship is one of the few long-standing successes of Indian diplomacy. Both nations must pay greater attention to emerging technologies that can push the relationship forward.
India's proposed Computer Emergency Response Team for Finance can help address gaps in the cybersecurity framework, including talent-building, digital literacy, and better information flow.
As Trump generates a new round political turbulence in India’s western neighborhood, India must embark on a more activist policy in the Middle East that goes beyond its hollow rhetoric.
Nepal’s decision to join the Belt and Road highlights the ongoing Sino-Indian competition for strategic space in South Asia, veiled under the guise of connectivity routes and infrastructure development.
By deepening its political, economic and military engagement in Afghanistan, and by formally signing a Memorandum of Understanding in 2016, China seems to be emerging as a long-term player in the region’s new Great Game.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi can rebuild India’s relationship with Sri Lanka by reclaiming their shared spiritual heritage and acknowledging the country’s leadership role in Asia and the Indian Ocean.
Indian and China would both benefit from regional connectivity. But New Delhi should debate the terms of each project, rather than saying “Yes” or “No” to the Belt and Road Initiative as a whole.
To ensure the safety of Indians abroad, the Indian armed forces will have to develop specific doctrines, procedures and capabilities to deploy expeditionary forces in coordination with civilian authorities.
In India, it is useful to view the relative success of criminal politicians as a byproduct of democratic practice, rather than its authoritarian antithesis.
India must make a concerted effort to expand the range of technologies it can use as part of its diplomatic arsenal.