India’s issue with quadrilateral cooperation among India, Japan, Australia and the United States is no longer about the principle. New Delhi will sit down with anyone in any kind of forum if that serves India’s national interest.
The Indian, Japanese, and U.S. effort to connect the Pacific and Indian Oceans could be an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and enhance the bargaining power of small countries vis-a-vis Beijing.
When the Doing Business report comes out this month, the nuances inherent in the data will likely be neglected by commentators looking to score points for one side or the other. Calmer heads should keep certain points in mind.
In demanding that Pakistan suspend cross-border terrorism and asking that India play a larger role in the region, Trump and Tillerson have begun to clear the path for strategic regional coordination between India and the United States.
The exceptions to the right to privacy, which was affirmed by the Supreme Court of India’s recent verdict, offer a clue into the realistic chances of survival for Aadhaar.
Having drawn up the intent and will to develop the Andamans, New Delhi will now have to build its smart islands with cooperation from its maritime partners. The strategic development of these islands is no longer an option but a necessity.
New Delhi must find ways to effectively intervene in the limited but inviting strategic space that is opening up between the United States, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.
The government has been working to effect a radical shift in Indian energy production and consumption patterns to reduce dependence on fossil fuels.
The current legal framework in India offers insufficient safeguards against mass surveillance and the gathering of big data tranches.
To counter the rise of isolationist, unilateral, and authoritarian forces, India and the Europe must strengthen their relationship beyond mere economic and transactional arrangements.
India needs to craft a more streamlined regulatory system and take other concrete steps to support growth in its domestic biotech sector.
India will inevitably have to do more in Afghanistan, since the United States will not bear the security burden forever. Any substantive India-U.S. strategic coordination, however, could presage a major change in the regional politics of South Asia.
Given the mammoth scale and extraordinary nature of the November 2016 demonetization in India, it is almost an obligation on the government’s part to reap a wider range of economic benefits from it.
While New Delhi and Tokyo realize their limitations in competing with China-led initiatives, there is an unmatched intent and willingness in the Indo-Japanese relationship to collaborate on new areas across the region.
As old ideological divisions break down at the United Nations, New Delhi should take the lead in promoting practical solutions to international challenges, remembering that multilateralism is not an end in itself, but a means to pursue India’s national interests.
By condemning Pakistan-based terror groups, China has signaled that it is willing to hold Islamabad accountable for harboring terror in order to protect Chinese investments and security in the region.
China’s rise poses a strategic challenge to India on multiple fronts. The best way for New Delhi to respond is to pursue a deeper partnership with the United States.
Relations between India and Japan have transformed over the past few years, in part due the rapid rise of China and growing uncertainty over the future U.S. role in Asia.
New Delhi’s increased strategic engagement with Kabul is a break with past policies and will enhance India’s influence in the region.
India is increasingly seeking partnerships with like-minded countries with similar foreign policy goals, looking beyond the scope of South Asia to counter China’s looming influence in the region.