India today has a serious chance to transform its navy from a reactive to a proactive one.
Despite the current uncertainty surrounding bilateral ties, India ought to approach the United States with confidence, assured that the evolving competition in Asia makes a strong partnership between Washington and New Delhi destined for success.
When Trump and Modi meet for the first time, they will likely focus on defense deals. They may also discuss areas of mutual interest, including trade, investment, and counterterrorism.
A personal rapport between U.S. President Donal Trump and Prime Minister Modi could be a key factor in defining the security cooperation between the two countries.
The integration of Portugal to Europe and India’s status as a growing economic power have created favorable conditions for reengagement between Portugal and India.
Modi’s visit to the city where the first era of globalization began, five centuries ago, symbolically reflects India’s efforts to push forward, seeking to reclaim spaces it has been absent from for too long.
If Trump believes that an exhausted United States must step back from being the first responder to Eurasian crises, Modi has talked up the idea of India as a leading power that must take greater regional and international responsibilities.
The upcoming meeting between Prime Minister Modi and President Trump offers a chance for Modi to clearly articulate India’s interests, and perhaps help Trump think of India as an opportunity.
The only solution to the Afghan conflict is a political one. An open-minded approach by India can help secure the gains of the previous fifteen years.
India must focus on Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania if it wishes to shape Eurasia’s geostrategic transformation.
The traditional props that have framed India-U.S. relationship over the last two decades—including those on shared democratic values and a common interest in Asian balance of power—can no longer provide an effective guidance to the Trump era.
The 2017 United Kingdom parliamentary election ended in a hung parliament after the Conservative Party failed to retain its majority.
India’s prolonged quest to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization brings into sharp relief an enduring tension between competing geopolitical ideas.
One way of lending substance to the Indo-Pacific cooperation between India and Australia is to identify specific subregions for practical cooperation, such as the Bay of Bengal.
If New Delhi wants to secure India’s interests in the turbulent Trump era, it must necessarily overcome the internal inertia against transactional diplomacy.
Given the breadth and depth of the Indo-Russian relationship, the divergence in their strategy for the South Asia region is worrying.
Economically reintegrating the Bay of Bengal is a promising way for India and other nearby states to enhance their prosperity. Doing so will require government-led coordination and private investment.
India’s partnership with Japan is increasingly acquiring a distinct strategic angle.
As Russia moves closer to China and the United States faces an unpredictable administration, European alliances are becoming valuable and inviting for India.
Technology-driven innovation requires more risk taking by the state in the form of investing more belief in the power of innovation to transform.