If Narendra Modi is luckier than his predecessors, he might make some progress with Pakistan. However, Modi should be aware that breakthroughs are unlikely amid the country’s current political flux.
Foreign policy is rarely central to elections anywhere in the world. It is no surprise, then, that the foreign policy sections in the manifestos put out by some Indian parties seem an afterthought.
India’s decision to abstain on a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last week was unexpected.
As the crisis in Crimea deepens, the formal arguments between Russia and the West are about two perennial themes in international politics—sovereignty and intervention.
The idea of promoting trans-frontier economic cooperation as a complement to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity on the border has begun to gain some traction in both Delhi and Beijing during the last few years.
As the world prepares to mark the anniversaries of the First and Second World War, the two great wars have acquired a peculiar political resonance in East Asia.
India must recognize its past errors in dealing with Beijing and its refusal to prepare the nation to cope with the rise of China.
The Indian political classes are gravely mistaken if they think the contest for power at home can be conducted without reference to the world outside.
After decades of pacifism and strategic marginalisation, Japan is now shaking up the region’s geopolitics by responding vigorously to China’s rise.
The continuing violence in Bangladesh and the political cloud over the general elections scheduled for January are of great consequence for the entire subcontinent.
In recent years, sentiments for reviving cross-border connections with Pakistan have intensified on the Indian side of Punjab and have strong bipartisan support.
A comprehensive approach to the Middle East should also allow Delhi to recast the anti-Western framework that has long guided India’s regional policy.
To cope with new geopolitical imperatives, India must learn to deal with Asia on its own terms and stop imposing its ideological preferences on the region.
As India receives the general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Nguyen Phu Trong, Delhi must seek a bold expansion of the strategic partnership with Hanoi.
A new book tracks India’s struggle for territorial integrity since its independence.
The rise of China demands Delhi intensify its cooperation with Beijing and prudently manage the multiple tensions that could undermine the bilateral relationship.
Domestic political considerations continue to undermine several aspects of India’s foreign policy.
Unless Delhi brings greater clarity to the interpretation of the nuclear liability act and the regulations for its implementation, India's hopes of building an advanced nuclear power industry at home and exporting nuclear reactors and services around the world will come to naught.
Those who think “spheres of influence” is an outdated idea in international relations should take a close look at China’s charm offensive in Southeast Asia.
A strong alignment between India and Indonesia holds the key to Delhi’s much-vaunted “strategic autonomy” and Jakarta’s quest for a “dynamic equilibrium” in Asia.