As the United States ends its combat role in Afghanistan, strategic cooperation with Iran has become absolutely critical for securing India’s interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia.
Islamabad is under pressure from Saudi Arabia to join military operations against the Houthi rebels in Yemen, but there is little popular support in Pakistan for jumping into a sectarian war.
India can’t secure its multiple interests in the Middle East without a much greater political engagement with all of the contending forces in the region.
The first round of boundary talks with China under the Narendra Modi government is an opportunity for New Delhi to explore the territorial compromises necessary to resolve the longstanding dispute.
India has learned to carefully navigate between the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of its neighbors and the need to manage the indivisible nature of the subcontinent’s security.
Narendra Modi has made up for lost time in Mauritius when he outlined a comprehensive framework for India as a maritime power.
As he travels across the Indian Ocean this week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s biggest challenge is not countering China. His real problem is in Delhi, afflicted by a condition called continentalism, which has proved rather difficult to overcome.
Given its enduring impact on India and its neighborhood, responding to China’s Silk Road initiative is a major challenge for Indian foreign policy.
Squeezed between the Sunni extremism of the Islamic State on the one hand and the rising political clout of the Shia Iran on the other, the Saudis are apparently eager to cash in their many IOUs in Pakistan.
If the Modi government can change the external dimension to Jammu and Kashmir for the better, it could create a conducive environment for the ambitious internal agenda for development articulated by the BJP and PDP.
Having suspended talks with Islamabad last August, the Indian government needed a diplomatic device to renew the engagement with Pakistan.
As the Indian government presents the rail budget, it is worth reflecting on the growing gap between the Indian railway system and that of its Asian peer, China.
Military diplomacy has acquired much greater salience in China’s international relations in recent years.
As America reduces its military burden in Afghanistan, China’s deepening involvement there was marked by the launch of a new official forum in Kabul last week.
Cricket has always come in handy to the leaders of India and Pakistan to break political ice at difficult moments in bilateral relations, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent outreach follows this trend.
The time has come for political India to put the second World War in its proper historical context and celebrate the extraordinary contributions of the Indian people in defeating fascism and making of the modern world order.
Those who worried that Modi might be provoking China by drawing too close to the United States have reasons to be reassured as External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj concludes a very successful visit to Beijing.
India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and U.S. President Barack Obama ended their second summit meeting in less than four months by proclaiming that a new chapter has begun in bilateral relations.
To understand the strategic significance of the meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and U.S. President Barack Obama, it is necessary to look beyond the outcomes that the two leaders have unveiled.
As they ended their three-day summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Barack Obama had every reason to feel vindicated that their political bet on each other had paid off handsomely.