Given the importance of artificial intelligence (AI) in the coming years, India must keep a wary eye on Chinese developments in this field, and develop its own strategic vision of how AI technologies can be harnessed to advance its interests.
As he seeks a say in defining the agenda of the quadrilateral security dialogue with Japan, the United States, and Australia, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is heralding his country’s self-confident pursuit of enlightened self-interest with all the major powers.
The proposition that India must tilt to one side, toward Russia and China, and keep its distance from the United States is a legacy from the 1970s. It does not square with contemporary reality.
The issues raised by Microsoft deserve serious and critical attention in India. The outcomes from this debate could have a lasting impact on India’s own digital future in both commercial and national security realms.
The durability of the Indo-Pacific dynamic will depend essentially on New Delhi’s willingness to work with the United States and its allies in the region.
The rise of China and the turbulence in U.S. domestic politics have created great disorder, but they have also opened up room for creative Indian diplomacy in Asia.
As India hosts Charles, the Prince of Wales, New Delhi and London have an opportunity to think afresh about the future of the Commonwealth.
As New Delhi scrambles to cope with China’s rapid naval advances in the Indian Ocean, it needs to bring its bilateral cooperation with individual European countries into a comprehensive strategic framework.
India’s issue with quadrilateral cooperation among India, Japan, Australia and the United States is no longer about the principle. New Delhi will sit down with anyone in any kind of forum if that serves India’s national interest.
The Indian, Japanese, and U.S. effort to connect the Pacific and Indian Oceans could be an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and enhance the bargaining power of small countries vis-a-vis Beijing.
When the Doing Business report comes out this month, the nuances inherent in the data will likely be neglected by commentators looking to score points for one side or the other. Calmer heads should keep certain points in mind.
In demanding that Pakistan suspend cross-border terrorism and asking that India play a larger role in the region, Trump and Tillerson have begun to clear the path for strategic regional coordination between India and the United States.
The exceptions to the right to privacy, which was affirmed by the Supreme Court of India’s recent verdict, offer a clue into the realistic chances of survival for Aadhaar.
Having drawn up the intent and will to develop the Andamans, New Delhi will now have to build its smart islands with cooperation from its maritime partners. The strategic development of these islands is no longer an option but a necessity.
New Delhi must find ways to effectively intervene in the limited but inviting strategic space that is opening up between the United States, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.
The government has been working to effect a radical shift in Indian energy production and consumption patterns to reduce dependence on fossil fuels.
The current legal framework in India offers insufficient safeguards against mass surveillance and the gathering of big data tranches.
To counter the rise of isolationist, unilateral, and authoritarian forces, India and the Europe must strengthen their relationship beyond mere economic and transactional arrangements.
India needs to craft a more streamlined regulatory system and take other concrete steps to support growth in its domestic biotech sector.
India will inevitably have to do more in Afghanistan, since the United States will not bear the security burden forever. Any substantive India-U.S. strategic coordination, however, could presage a major change in the regional politics of South Asia.