Regional connectivity projects give Afghanistan a substantive trading alternative to Pakistan and provide a powerful mechanism for trade and economic development.
One of the unintended consequences for China from the Doklam crisis would be an India that is forced to think far more strategically about coping with China’s power.
It is necessary to be open-eyed and clear-headed about the practical benefits and risks associated with the increasing prevalence of artificial intelligence.
India’s traditionally neutral position in the Middle East has ended with the landmark Israel visit. The future balancing of India’s westward pivot will be determined by a new regional order led assertively be Saudi Arabia, and one which sees Iran as enemy number one.
As India settles into an extended military standoff with China in the Himalayas, it can’t afford to take its eyes off Beijing’s maritime forays in the Indian Ocean.
While India’s current approach is focused on connectivity and friendly delivery, one should not forget that its geostrategic and democratic concerns about Sri Lanka can often induct a sudden policy shift.
The present trajectory of AI advancement indicates that future economies and national security will be defined by it, making it among a handful of technologies that will shape global politics.
The uncertainty surrounding the Trump administration has created a space for India to take more of a lead in the region.
While several strategic factors and past investments will sustain the U.S.-India relationship in the short-term, the current path points in the direction of a plateau.
India today has a serious chance to transform its navy from a reactive to a proactive one.
Despite the current uncertainty surrounding bilateral ties, India ought to approach the United States with confidence, assured that the evolving competition in Asia makes a strong partnership between Washington and New Delhi destined for success.
When Trump and Modi meet for the first time, they will likely focus on defense deals. They may also discuss areas of mutual interest, including trade, investment, and counterterrorism.
Modi’s visit to the city where the first era of globalization began, five centuries ago, symbolically reflects India’s efforts to push forward, seeking to reclaim spaces it has been absent from for too long.
If Trump believes that an exhausted United States must step back from being the first responder to Eurasian crises, Modi has talked up the idea of India as a leading power that must take greater regional and international responsibilities.
India must focus on Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania if it wishes to shape Eurasia’s geostrategic transformation.
Crisis management, stabilization, and peacebuilding can play a central role in opening up a huge untapped potential for cooperation and collaboration between the European Union, its member states, and India.
The traditional props that have framed India-U.S. relationship over the last two decades—including those on shared democratic values and a common interest in Asian balance of power—can no longer provide an effective guidance to the Trump era.
India’s prolonged quest to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization brings into sharp relief an enduring tension between competing geopolitical ideas.
One way of lending substance to the Indo-Pacific cooperation between India and Australia is to identify specific subregions for practical cooperation, such as the Bay of Bengal.
If New Delhi wants to secure India’s interests in the turbulent Trump era, it must necessarily overcome the internal inertia against transactional diplomacy.