Despite Modi’s claim to Vajpayee’s strategic legacy, the latter’s understanding of the subcontinent’s past and his vision for the region’s future appear to have little resonance within the BJP and RSS.
India needs to deepen its military security cooperation in the Indian Ocean with the United States and France and initiate a maritime security dialogue with China.
It is easy to forget that domestic stability holds the key to a successful foreign policy.
As the American occupation of Afghanistan comes to an end, China is getting ready to play a significant role in a country that has seen many great powers bite the dust.
The United Nations General Assembly recently declared an annual International Day of Yoga. This small step underlines the immense possibilities for projecting India’s soft power under Modi.
Partition has given Pakistan the power to disrupt Afghanistan, but not enough to construct a stable order. This tragic story of the Great Game is unlikely to change in 2015.
In his outreach to leaders in the subcontinent and Asia, from Nepal to Japan and China to Myanmar, Modi has projected Buddhism as one of India’s bridges to these nations.
Constructing a border of cooperation with Bangladesh should liberate India from one of the major geopolitical constraints imposed on it by the Partition of Bengal.
Pakistan’s ambivalence towards economic integration and the minimal gains from the South Asian summit in Kathmandu need not necessarily be a setback to India’s agenda for regionalism.
A strategy of positive unilateralism would allow Modi to push South Asia a little faster toward long overdue regional integration.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision not to travel to three important religious places in Nepal and to limit his visit to Kathmandu, which is hosting the South Asian summit, has disappointed many on either side of the border.
Modi’s decision to invite Obama to India, and the American president’s acceptance, reveal the mutual understanding level between two leaders.
Through his visit across the eastern seas, Modi affirmed that India under the NDA government has entered a new era of economic development, industrialization, and trade.
Modi’s decision to visit Fiji underlines the new commitment in New Delhi to bridging the gap between the potential and reality of Delhi’s reach in the Indo-Pacific.
Arguments in New Delhi about Jawaharlal Nehru probably say more about India’s contemporary politics than the achievements and failures of its first prime minister.
Modi has his work cut out for him in bridging the growing gap between the potential and reality of India’s partnership with Myanmar.
Modi should trust his own instincts rather than conform to the prevailing canon in the political class and the bureaucratic establishment on the issues to be discussed at the East Asian Summit and the G-20 meeting.
While some might find India’s new approach to the Middle East somewhat disconcerting, the government of Narendra Modi is bringing pragmatism and transparency to India’s Middle East policy.
Modi has a rare opportunity to tap into positive trends within the South Asian diaspora. An intensive engagement with the South Asian diaspora would be a valuable complement to Modi’s declared strategy of befriending neighbors.
Statements from Colombo and Beijing on the frequent appearance of Chinese submarines and ships at Sri Lankan ports are likely to worsen New Delhi’s concerns rather than blunt them.